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��ࡱ�>�� z|����y�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� �r�`bjbj!.!.2fcd�gcd�g�- �������66������������8tr�%s����������q�q�q�q�q�q�q$ u��wfr�������r����4�rppp�6�����qp��qppp�������ïi������(p�q�r0%spx xxpph2x��n��p�����rrx����%s������������������������������������������������������������������������x���������6b �: journal of contemporary china volume 33, issue 145, january 2024 1. title: assessing public support for (non)peaceful unification with taiwan: evidence from a nationwide survey in china authors: liu, adam y; li, xiaojun. abstract: a military conflict over the taiwan strait seems increasingly likely today against the backdrop of intensifying geopolitical competition between china and the united states. while much has been discussed and debated about the prospects for and consequences of war, we know little about how ordinary chinese evaluate the full set of policy tools that beijing could potentially leverage against taipei in the near term. drawing from a unique public opinion survey in china, we find that armed unification, or �wutong�, garners only a slim majority (55%) of support, no more than for a range of less aggressive policy options, from using small-scale warfare, to coercing taipei into negotiating, to simply maintaining the status quo. only one out of one hundred rejected all but the most extreme option of �wutong�. analyses of respondent attributes further reveal that aggressive policy preferences are primarily driven by nationalism and peer pressure, but dampened by concerns about the economic, human, and reputational costs of non-peaceful unification and the likelihood of us intervention. 2. title: butter or guns: taiwan s economic policy toward china authors: john fuh-sheng hsieh; yi-tzu lin. abstract: tensions between china and taiwan have been heightened significantly lately. this paper is aimed at investigating the cross-strait relations from taiwan�s perspective concerning, in particular, taiwan�s economic policy toward china. indeed, china has long been taiwan�s largest trading partner; yet, political relationship between the two has fluctuated over time. on the one hand, china has been an attractive market for taiwanese businesses, but one the other hand, there have also been economic and security concerns about taiwan�s dependence on china. this paper shows the connections between political and economic factors which jointly affect taiwan�s economic policy toward china. it argues that there may be a general equilibrium�a median voter�but it has often been distorted by the institutional constraints in taiwan�s political process. 3. title: when independence meets reality: symbolic and pragmatic politics in taiwan authors: tse-min, lin; chun-ying, wu; charm, theodore. abstract: in taiwan, where relations with china define the major political cleavage, voters have distinct preferences on the issue of independence. do taiwanese favor a symbolic or pragmatic approach to the taiwan independence issue? what are the factors that account for their political preferences? we identify two types of voters, symbolic and pragmatic, according to whether their preferences on independence are conditional or unconditional on china�s potential counter actions. specifically, symbolic voters have unconditional preferences on independence, while pragmatic voters are more agreeable to independence under more favorable conditions. using multiple wave data from the taiwan national security surveys (tnss 2002�2022), we investigate the individual- and macro-level factors and find that gender, age, education level, ethnicity, partisan strength, and economic growth rate shape the types of voters in taiwan. this paper contributes to the study of political attitudes in taiwan, and have important implications on the regional stability in east asia. 4. title: naturalized athletes and racialized national identity in china authors: han, enze; zhao, lingbo. abstract: this paper focuses on how the phenomenon of naturalized athletes has caused unprecedented domestic discussions on issues of national identity in china. using online data collected from sina weibo, it discusses how the chinese public reacted to prominent cases of naturalization of athletes in such different sports fields as men�s football and a variety of winter sports. it interrogates how chinese citizens view the possibilities and realities of this particular category of immigrants, and how the appropriate boundaries of �chineseness� have been debated and contested. the paper found that chinese public reaction to naturalization of foreign athletes is overall mixed, which is conditioned on an ethno-racial view of chinese descent, cultural heritage and linguistic affinity. the paper concludes with reflections on the ethno-racial foundation of the chinese national identity and the challenges the country will face in a future of accelerated international migration. 5. title: towards a green nationalism with chinese characteristics? authors: arantes, virginie. abstract: this paper examines the concept of green nationalism in the authoritarian context of china, where the ruling chinese communist party (ccp) has adopted the rhetoric of ecological civilization as a means of promoting environmental protection and securing global legitimacy. the authors argue that the ccp's performance legitimacy is closely linked to its ability to address environmental concerns in the context of climate change, and that the development of green nationalism is a rational choice for leaders seeking to maintain this legitimacy. however, the authors also highlight the role of actors such as social entrepreneurs, academics, and environmental ngos in promoting green nationalism from the bottom-up. using constructivist political theory, the paper explores how the intersection of different green narratives at various levels can be used to rethink the nation and make claims to legitimacy. overall, the paper contributes to theory-building by providing a framework for understanding the complex relationship between environmental protection, nationalism, and authoritarian politics in china. 6. title: the rising china is not a �sick man� anymore: cultural nationalism in the xi jinping era authors: jason cong lin. abstract: this study explores chinese cultural nationalism since xi jinping became the president, that is, the ways that xi constructs and politicises culture to serve his nationalist interests. it first situates cultural nationalism in the global context and clarifies its usage in china. then the article explains how national humiliation, the �sick man� metaphor, the �great power� narrative, and national rejuvenation provide a broader context of understanding chinese cultural nationalism. applying summative content analysis to examine the government discourse on its website since xi jinping became the president in 2012, this article shows that xi downplays national humiliation and the �sick man� metaphor while emphasising the �great power� narrative and national rejuvenation. the author argues that this politisation of culture has a strong personal feature of xi and serves his nationalist purposes in many ways. finally, this article discusses the rationales and risks of his promotion of such cultural nationalism and the implications of the study. 7. title: where the rainbow rises: the strategic adaptations of china s lgbt ngos to restricted civic space authors: ren, xiaoyi; gui, tianhan. abstract: the past decade has witnessed a new trend towards restrictions and surveillance on civil society organizations in china, which seriously affected china�s grassroots lgbt ngos. based on a field study of chinese grassroots lgbt ngos, this article explores the coping strategies utilized by these organizations to survive in a restricted civic space. empirical evidence shows these organizations adopting various tactics to obtain funding and legitimacy. yet despite the undeniable agency of these lgbt ngos, they are still restricted by institutional power. while scrupulously avoiding political risks, grassroots lgbt ngos inevitably shifted away from rights advocacy missions to become service-oriented, depoliticizing and even distorting their agendas. consequently, the intensifying restrictions and surveillance have invisibly but saliently reshaped the structures and practices of these ngos. 8. title: collusive infrapolitics: the hidden gay worlds of hiv community based organizations in kunming, china authors: wortham, andrew t. abstract: gay men in kunming, china use collusive infrapolitics to foster and sustain lgbt communities under the premise of hiv/aids prevention. collusive infrapolitics is the building of collaborative relationships between non-state actors and governing agencies to tacitly agree on publicly acceptable political projects, while leaving vague other deviating activities. men who have sex with men hiv community based organizations cooperate with the state around hiv/aids prevention and can then build collusive relationships with low level government cadres, who then ignore gay social activities and help to insulate lgbt organizations from political pressure. as the chinese political environment becomes more restrictive of lgbt organizing, collusive infrapolitics provides an important theoretical explanation for how non-state actors can engage politically around sensitive topics. 9. title: the political leadership of xi jinping: narratives of integrity through ordeal authors: :<jn^dhv|~������v 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,2,-2-.2./2/4/5/6/7/9/?/@/�/�����ŷ������������vhzvlh�muh�mu5�ojqj^jh�)gh�)g5�ojqj^jh�"�h)w�5�ojqj^jh�)g5�ojqj^jo(h)w�5�ojqjo(hvi�h)w�ojqj^jo(h>e�h>e�ojqj^jh}onh)w�ojqj^jo(h$?�h)w�5�ojqj^jhvi�h)w�5�ojqj^jo(h|�h|�5�ojqj^jhvi�h|�5�ojqj^jh>e�h>e�5�ojqj^j�/�/�/�/&0(0:0<0�12�23�345555"5.505@5�5���ȸ����������vi[m@��hlz�5�ojqj^jo(hlz�hlz�5�ojqj^jh�"�h)w�5�ojqj^jhr5�ojqj^jo(h)w�5�ojqjo(hvi�h)w�ojqj^jo(h�muh�muojqj^jhih)w�ojqj^jo(h$?�h)w�5�ojqj^jhvi�h)w�5�ojqj^jo(h�muh�mu5�ojqj^jh�)g5�ojqj^jo(h�)gh�)g5�ojqj^jhvi�h�)g5�ojqj^j�5�5�5lnlplbldlmnopqrstt t"t&t*t6t8tdt����õ������������tfxk=hda�hda�5�ojqj^jh�_5�ojqj^jo(h�_h�_5�ojqj^jh�"�h)w�5�ojqj^jhr5�ojqj^jo(h)w�5�ojqjo(hvi�h)w�ojqj^jo(h�muh�muojqj^jhih)w�ojqj^jo(h$?�h)w�5�ojqj^jhvi�h)w�5�ojqj^jo(h�muh�mu5�ojqj^juhlz�hlz�5�ojqj^jhvi�hlz�5�ojqj^jnesbitt-larking, paul; chan, alfred l. abstract: despite criticism that his leadership has been authoritarian and his regime tyrannical, president xi jinping has experienced continued success, influence, and widespread support among the chinese people. this article investigates the ways in which xi has successfully integrated his personal narrative, an account of personal integrity through ordeal, into the broader metanarratives of chinese political development. theoretically grounded in the social identity approach, narrative analysis, and theories of hegemony, the article specifies how xi s prototypical leadership, articulated through his personal narrative, has successfully linked xi s policy preferences with chinese public policy and public opinion. these linkages are examined across five major policy focuses: the china dream from poverty to prosperity; economic equality; socialist values and the role of the ccp; democracy with chinese characteristics; disciplining the party-state, anti-corruption, and the rule of law. 10. title: the political limits of china s anti-corruption reform: an institutional analysis of the new supervision commission authors: wang, junyang. abstract: in november 2016, the chinese communist party (ccp) undertook a new reform to  crush corruption by creating a sole and unified state-ranked supervision commission (sc). this reform incorporated the anti-corruption bureau of procuratorate into the sc, merging it with the upgraded supervision department of the government and the discipline inspection commission (dic) system of the ccp to address the weakness in the anti-corruption apparatus stemming from its lack of authority, as well as its internal fragmentation and redundancies. the reform was highly praised in the official media, and it gave more authority to the state s anti-corruption agencies. however, the reform did not address the subordination of these agencies to the local dics, which, in turn, remain significantly under the influence of the local party-state leadership through personnel, financial and operational channels. as a result, the reform has failed to free the anti-corruption apparatus from the direct influence of the leaders it is supposed to supervise. the author concludes that the reform has simply transferred power from procuratorates to the dics, thereby strengthening the party s direct control over anti-corruption apparatus, instead of providing additional ways to control party leaders. therefore, the sc is unlikely to curb corruption systematically in china.     dtu u2upurudufuvfwxfyzf[\f]^f_�_````` ` `````````����ŷ���������������������������h��jh��uhda�hj<ojqj^jo(hda�hda�ojqj^jhih)w�ojqj^jo(h$?�h)w�5�ojqj^jhvi�h)w�5�ojqj^jo(h�_h�_5�ojqj^jhvi�h�_5�ojqj^jhda�hda�5�ojqj^j!`````����gd)w�gd�01�82p��. ��a!�"�#��$��%��s�� ��x2���� 0@p`p������2(�� 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p������ 0@p`p��8x�v~�������� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@�� 0@66666pj_hmh nhsh thj`��j ck�e $1$a$ cjkh_hajmh nhsh th$a ���$ ؞���k=�w[sobi���b nf�h����c���ݓ�v�u�a ��6f�������͌�n�|q�sax\�� ���>�8�����o����( �b\�'x�77?��ڐ!����@5?�2�xy}xf�kp ���gh�%v�ވ�� 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